Illustration: One person is on his knees on the floor and is crouching down.

At War With Itself

Islam is not at war with the West, but with itself. All the mass protests of recent years in the Islamic world have been in favour of democracy and human rights. It is time for the West to recognise this war and step up in this respect.

It is not only in the shocking news reports and even more shocking images from Syria and Iraq or Afghanistan where the Quran is held aloft at every outrageous act and ‘Allahu akbar’ shouted at every beheading. In many other, if not most, countries of the Muslim world, state authorities, state-affiliated institutions, religious schools and insurgent groups also invoke Islam when they oppress their own people, discriminate against women, persecute, expel or massacre those who think, believe or live differently. Islam is invoked to justify stoning women in Afghanistan, murdering entire school classes in Pakistan, enslaving hundreds of girls in Nigeria, beheading Christians in Libya, shooting bloggers in Bangladesh, detonating bombs in marketplaces in Somalia, killing Sufis and musicians in Mali, crucifying dissidents in Saudi Arabia, banning major literary works in Iran, oppressing Shiites in Bahrain, and setting Sunnis and Shiites against each other in Yemen.

 

A War to Freedom

It is true that the vast majority of Muslims reject terror, violence and oppression. I have learnt on my travels that people only truly value freedom when they do not have it. All the mass protests of recent years in the Islamic world have been in favour of democracy and human rights. This not only includes the attempted, though mostly failed, revolutions in the majority of Arab countries, but also the protest movements in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan and, last but not least, the uprising at the ballot boxes in the last Indonesian presidential election.

And let’s not forget that on the front lines, it is Muslims themselves who are fighting against the ‘Islamic State’.

Likewise, the flow of refugees highlights where many Muslims are seeking a better life than at home – anywhere that isn’t a religious dictatorship. The reports reaching us from Mosul and Rakka do not suggest enthusiasm, but panic and despair. Every religious authority of significance in the Islamic world has rejected IS’s claim that it speaks for Islam and given detailed explanations of how its practices and ideology contradict the Quran and the basic tenets of Islamic theology. And let’s not forget that on the front lines, it is Muslims themselves who are fighting against the ‘Islamic State’: Kurds, Shiites, Sunni tribes and soldiers in the Iraqi army.

 

At War with Itself

Illustration: The eye area was taken from a human head as a slice. The person looks into his or her own eyes.
The inner debate of the islamic world, photo: CDD20 via pixabay

All this needs to be said in order to avoid falling for the illusion that is parroted by Islamists and critics of Islam alike: that Islam is waging a war against the West. In fact, Islam is waging a war against itself, that is, the Islamic world is being shaken by an internal conflict whose effects on the political and ethnic cartography are likely to resemble the tectonic shifts that occurred in the wake of World War I.

The multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-cultural Orient that I studied in its great literary testimonies from the Middle Ages and learned to love during long stays in Cairo and Beirut, as a child during summer vacations in Isfahan, and as a reporter in the monastery of Mar Musa was a reality that was threatened, never whole, but nevertheless alive and kicking. Yet this Orient will no more exist than the world of yesteryear that Stefan Zweig looked back on with such melancholy and sadness in the 1920s.

What has happened? ‘Islamic State’ did not start just a few years ago, nor did it begin with the civil wars in Iraq and Syria. Its methods may be met with disapproval, but its ideology is Wahhabism, whose tendrils stretch to the farthest corners of the Islamic world and, particularly for young people in Europe, has gained attractiveness in the form of Salafism. When you know that the textbooks and curricula in the areas occupied by ‘Islamic State’ were 95 percent identical to Saudi Arabia’s textbooks and curricula, then you also know that the world was and is strictly divided into the forbidden and the permitted – and humankind into believers and non-believers – not only in Iraq and Syria.

Sponsored by billions of oil dollars, over the years a way of thinking has been disseminated via mosques, books and television that declares all those of other faiths to be heretics without exception and that insults, terrorises, belittles and insults them. When, day after day, one systematically and publicly disparages other people, it is only logical – and how well we know this from our own German history – that eventually their lives are also declared worthless. The fact that such religious fascism became conceivable at all, that IS was able to find so many fighters and even more sympathisers, that it was able to overrun entire countries and capture cities with millions of inhabitants largely without a fight, is not the beginning, but rather the preliminary end point of a long decline, a decline also and especially in the religious mindset.

 

Loss of Creativity and Freedom

When I began studying Oriental Studies in 1988, my subjects were the Quran and poetry. I think everyone who studies this subject in its classical form reaches the point where they can no longer bring the past and present together. And they become hopelessly, hopelessly sentimental.

Of course, the past was not just peaceful and multi-hued. But as a philologist, I had to deal primarily with the writings of the mystics, the philosophers, the rhetoricians, and likewise the theologians. And I, no, we students, could and can only marvel at the originality, the spiritual breadth, the aesthetic power and human greatness that we encounter in the spirituality of Ibn Arabi, the poetry of Rumi, the historiography of Ibn Khaldun, the poetic theology of Abd al-Qāhir al-Jurjānī, the philosophy of Averroes, the travel descriptions of Ibn Battuta, and also in the stories of the Arabian Nights, which are secular, yes, secular and erotic and also feminist, and at the same time permeated on every page by the spirit and verses of the Quran.

It was once conceivable and even self-evident that the Quran is a poetic text that can be comprehended only by the means and methods of poetology, not unlike a poem.

These were not newspaper reports, no, the social reality of this high culture, like any reality, looked greyer and more violent. And yet, these testimonies say something about what was once conceivable or even self-evident within Islam. Nothing, absolutely nothing, can be found within the religious culture of modern Islam that is even remotely comparable, that exerts a similar fascination, that is as profound as the writings I came across during my studies. And that is without mentioning Islamic architecture, Islamic art, Islamic musicology – they no longer exist. I would like to illustrate the loss of creativity and freedom in terms of my own field of expertise. It was once conceivable and even self-evident that the Quran is a poetic text that can be comprehended only by the means and methods of poetology, not unlike a poem.

 

Illustration: An astronaut is connected to a book by a tube.
The Quran is a poetic text that can be comprehended only by the means and methods of poetology, photo: CDD20 via pixabay

 

It was conceivable and even natural that theologians were also literary scholars and connoisseurs of poetry, in many cases poets themselves. Yet today, my own teacher Nasr Hamid Abu Zaid was accused of heresy in Cairo, expelled from his chair, and even forced to divorce because he saw Quranic studies as a literary science. This means that an approach to the Quran that was obvious and for which Nasr Abu Zaid could refer to the leading scholars of classical Islamic theology is not even recognised as conceivable today.

Despite its tradition, such an approach to the Quran is persecuted, punished and branded as heresy. Yet the Quran is a text that does not merely rhyme, but speaks in disturbing, ambiguous, mysterious images; it is also not a book, but a recitation, the score of a song that moves its Arab listeners through its rhythm, onomatopoeia, and melody. Islamic theology has not only incorporated the aesthetic characteristics of the Quran but has declared the beauty of its language to be the miracle that authenticates Islam.

But today, throughout the Islamic world, we are seeing what happens when the linguistic structure of a text is disregarded, no longer even adequately understood or registered. The Quran becomes a mere vade mecum that is checked using a few keywords in the search engine.

The linguistic power of the Quran becomes political dynamite. It can often be read that Islam has to go through the fire of enlightenment or that modernity must prevail against tradition. But this is perhaps a little too simplistic when, in the past, Islam was so much more enlightened and traditional scriptures sometimes seem more modern than contemporary theological discourse.

 

The Curse of the Modern Age

The fact that Goethe and Proust, Lessing and Joyce were fascinated by Islamic culture does not mean they were mentally deranged. They saw something in the books and monuments that we, who are all too often brutally confronted with the presence of Islam, now find it difficult to perceive. Perhaps the problem of Islam lies not so much in its tradition as in its almost complete break from it, in its loss of cultural memory, its civilisational amnesia.

All the peoples of the Orient have experienced a brutal form of modernisation imposed from above through colonialism and secular dictatorships. An example is the headscarf, which Iranian women did not gradually discard. Instead, in 1936, soldiers swarmed the streets on the Shah’s orders to forcibly tear it from their heads. Unlike in Europe where, despite setbacks and crimes, modernity could be experienced as a process of emancipation that took place over many decades and centuries, in the Middle East it was essentially experienced as violence.

 

Modernity was not associated with freedom but with exploitation and despotism. Imagine an Italian president driving into St Peter’s Basilica, jumping on the altar with his dirty boots and cracking his whip in the Pope’s face – then you have a rough idea of what it meant in 1928 when Reza Shah marched through the Holy Shrine of Ghom in his riding boots and, at the Imam’s request to remove his shoes like all believers, simply cracked his whip in the Imam’s face. You can find similar incidents and key moments in many other countries of the Middle East, which did not gradually shake off the past but tried to shatter it and erase it from memory.

One might assume that the religious fundamentalists who gained influence throughout the Islamic world after the failure of nationalism would at least value their own culture. However, they have done the opposite: by seeking to return to a supposed primordial beginning, they not only neglected tradition, but resolutely fought against it.

We are only surprised by the iconoclasm of the ‘Islamic State’ because we have not noticed that there are practically no antiquities left in Saudi Arabia. In Mecca, the Wahhabis destroyed the tombs and mosques of the Prophet’s closest relatives, and even the Prophet’s birthplace. The Prophet’s historic mosque in Medina has been replaced by a gigantic new building, and on the site of the house inhabited by Muhammad and his wife Khadija there now stands a public toilet.

Illustration: islamische Gebäude in einem Halbmond
Modernity was not associated with freedom but with exploitation and despotism, photo: Mohamed Hassan via pixabay

The Spirit of Mysticism

Apart from the Quran, I mainly studied the form of Islamic mysticism called Sufism. Mysticism sounds like something marginal, esoteric, a kind of underground culture. But nothing could be further from the truth when it refers to Islam. Until the 20th century, Sufism was the basis of popular piety almost everywhere in the Islamic world. It remains so to this day in Asian Islam.

Islamic high culture, especially poetry, the visual arts and architecture, was also permeated with the spirit of mysticism. As the most common form of religiosity, Sufism formed an ethical and aesthetic counterweight to the orthodoxy of the Islamic jurists. By emphasising God’s mercy, by looking behind every letter of the Quran, by always seeking beauty in religion, by recognising truth in other forms of faith as well, and by explicitly adopting the Christian commandment to love one’s enemies, Sufism permeated Islamic societies with values, stories, and sounds that could not have been derived from the kind of piety that followed Islam to the letter. Sufism as lived Islam did not abrogate legal Islam but complemented it, made it softer, more ambivalent, more permeable, more tolerant in everyday life, and made it possible to experience it sensually through music, dance, and above all poetry.

Barely a trace of it remains. Wherever the Islamists gained a foothold, starting as early as the 19th century in what is now Saudi Arabia and ending in Mali, they began by putting an end to Sufi festivals, banning mystical writings, destroying the tombs of the saints, and cutting off the long hair of Sufi leaders or even killing them outright. But not only the Islamists. Even the reformers and proponents of religious enlightenment of the 19th and early 20th centuries considered the traditions and customs of folk Islam to be backward and outdated.

All over the Islamic world, the destroyed, disregarded, scruffy old cities with their dilapidated monuments are as much symbols of the decay of the Islamic spirit as the world’s biggest shopping mall that has been built right next to the Kaaba in Mecca.

They were not the ones who took Sufi writings seriously. Rather, it was Western scholars, Orientalists such as the 1995 Peace Prize winner Annemarie Schimmel, who edited the manuscripts and thus saved them from destruction. And even today, very few Muslim intellectuals engage with the richness that lies in their own tradition. All over the Islamic world, the destroyed, disregarded, scruffy old cities with their dilapidated monuments are as much symbols of the decay of the Islamic spirit as the world’s biggest shopping mall that has been built right next to the Kaaba in Mecca. This has to be kept in mind, and photos also clearly show how the holiest place of Islam, this simple yet magnificent structure where the Prophet himself prayed, is literally dwarfed by Gucci and Apple. Perhaps we should have listened less to the Islam of our great thinkers and more to the Islam of our grandmothers.

Of course, some countries have begun restoring their buildings and mosques, but it took Western art historians or even Westernised Muslims like me to come along and recognise the value of tradition. And, unfortunately, we were a century too late. The buildings had already crumbled, the construction techniques were forgotten, and the books erased from memory. But we still thought we had time to study things thoroughly.

 

Where is the Islamic Culture?

Meanwhile, as a reader, I almost feel like an archaeologist in a war zone, hastily and randomly snatching up relics so that later generations can at least view them in museums. Muslim countries still produce outstanding works, as can be seen at biennales, film festivals, and this year’s Frankfurt Book Fair. But this culture has little to do with Islam.

 

Illustration: Muslim man and woman praying at sunset.
Opposition to violence in the name of religion is finally beginning to form within Islamic orthodoxy, photo: Mohamed Hassan via pixabay

 

 

There is no longer any Islamic culture, at least none of any standing. What is now flying around our ears and onto our heads is the debris of a tremendous spiritual implosion.

There is no longer any Islamic culture, at least none of any standing. What is now flying around our ears and onto our heads is the debris of a tremendous spiritual implosion. The shock generated by the news and images of the ‘Islamic State’ is enormous, and it has unleashed opposing forces. Opposition to violence in the name of religion is finally beginning to form within Islamic orthodoxy. And for some years now, perhaps less in the Arab heartland of Islam than on the peripheries, such as in Asia, South Africa, Iran and Turkey, and not least among Muslims in the West, we have been able to observe the development of a new religious thought.

 

European Utopia

Europe also recreated itself after two world wars. And, in view of the frivolity, contempt and open disregard that not only our politicians but we as a society have for years displayed towards the European unification project, the most politically valuable thing that this continent has ever produced, perhaps at this point I should mention how often people talk to me about Europe during my travels, seeing it as a kind of utopia.

Those who have forgotten why Europe is needed should look into the emaciated, exhausted, frightened faces of the refugees who have left everything behind, given up everything, risked their lives for the promise that Europe still offers. As a Muslim, it is not for me to accuse the world’s Christians of not caring – if not for the people of Syria and Iraq – but not even for their brothers and sisters in faith. Yet this is what I so often think when I witness the public’s apathy towards the already eschatological catastrophe in the East that we are trying to keep at bay with barbed-wire fences, warships, tales of the bogeyman and mental blinkers.

An organisation like ‘Islamic State’ is not invincible for the international community – it cannot be.

Just a three-hour flight from Frankfurt, whole ethnic groups are being wiped out or expelled. Girls are being enslaved, some of humanity’s most important cultural monuments are being blown up. Cultures and with them an ancient ethnic, religious and linguistic diversity that, unlike in Europe, has to some extent been preserved until the 21st century – all this is perishing. Yet we only mobilise and stand up when one of the bombs from this war impacts us personally, such as the terrorist attacks in Paris, or when people fleeing from this war come knocking at our gates.

It is good that, unlike after 9/11, our societies have countered terror with our freedom. It is gratifying to see how many people in Europe, and especially in Germany, are working to help refugees. But all too often such protest and solidarity remains apolitical.

There is no broad public debate about the causes of terror, the movement of refugees, and the extent to which our own policies may even be fostering the catastrophe that is unfolding beyond our borders. We do not ask why our closest partner in the Middle East is Saudi Arabia, of all countries. We do not learn from our mistakes when we roll out the red carpet for a dictator like General Sissi. Or we learn the wrong lessons when we conclude from the disastrous wars in Iraq or Libya that it is also better to stay out of genocides.

We have no idea how to prevent the murder that the Syrian regime has been perpetrating on its own people for so many years. An organisation like ‘Islamic State’ is not invincible for the international community – it cannot be. It is part of the propaganda push of ‘Islamic State’ to ramp up the horror with its images in order to ensure they penetrate our consciousness.

When we stopped being outraged about individual Christian hostages praying the rosary before being beheaded, IS began beheading entire groups of Christians. When we banished the beheadings from our screens, IS gave us the images from the National Museum in Mosul. When we grew accustomed to shattered statues, IS began razing entire ancient cities like Nimrod and Nineveh. When we were no longer concerned with the expulsion of the Yezidis, we were briefly jolted awake by news of mass rapes.

Just when we thought the horror was limited to Iraq and Syria, we were beset by snuff videos from Libya and Egypt. When we got used to beheadings and crucifixions, the victims were first beheaded and then crucified, as in Libya. Palmyra was not blown up all at once, but building by building, weeks apart, creating a new message every time. This is not going to stop. IS will continue to ramp up the horror until we see, hear and feel in our European everyday lives that this horror will not stop of its own accord.

 

Ending the War

I am not calling for war. I am merely pointing out that there is a war – and that we, as its closest neighbours, also have to respond, yes, perhaps militarily, but above all with a stronger focus on diplomacy and civil society. Because this war can no longer be ended in Syria and Iraq alone.

It can only be ended by the powers behind the enemy armies and militias, Iran, Turkey, the Gulf states, Russia and also the West. And only when our societies no longer accept this madness will governments take action.

Whatever happens now, we are bound to make mistakes. But the biggest mistake we can make is to continue doing little or nothing about the murder perpetrated by ‘Islamic State’ and the Assad regime on Europe’s doorstep. These days we experience the dialogue as a communal, shared suffering. We are sad in this unjust world that shares some of the responsibility for the victims of war, this world of the dollar and the euro that looks only after its own people, its own prosperity, its own security, while the rest of the world dies of hunger, disease and war. It seems that their sole aim is to find places where they can wage war and increase their sales of arms and planes.

Illustration: The globe is sewn together with cross stitch.
The war can only be ended by the powers behind the enemy armies and militias, photo: CDD200 via pixabay
About the Author
Navid Kermani at his desk
Navid Kermani
Freelance writer

Orientalist Navid Kermani lives as a freelance writer in Cologne. He was a Long Term Fellow at the Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin and is a member of the German Academy for Language and Literature and the German Islam Conference. He has received numerous awards for his novels, essays and reportages, including the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade.
Books

Culture Report Progress Europe

Culture has a strategic role to play in the process of European unification. What about cultural relations within Europe? How can cultural policy contribute to a European identity? In the Culture Report Progress Europe, international authors seek answers to these questions. Since 2021, the Culture Report is published exclusively online.