Illustration: A large hand moves with the help of threads a soccer player juggling a ball and standing on a yellow stage. The shadows of two fans are reflected on the stage floor - one carries a megaphone, the other a baton.

The Qatar Cup – a Potemkin Village of 21st-Century Capitalism

Qatar is a conservative society but not to the same degree as its neighbours Saudi Arabia or Iran. The World Cup is designed to showcase a regime heading in the right direction. And that safeguards existing power relations.

Ever since it won the right to host the 2022 World Cup, Qatar has been the subject of sustained critical scrutiny. A spotlight has been shone on the Gulf emirate’s repression of women and LGBTQ people, and its punishing exploitation of hundreds of thousands of migrant workers. But the picture is incomplete. The fact is that the roots of Qatari repression extend well beyond Qatar, connecting the emirate to the supposedly liberal states of the west.

Much of the discourse around the World Cup has carried the implication that abuses in Qatar are an outgrowth of a local conservative “culture”, as juxtaposed with more enlightened “western values”. In fact, the persistence of monarchical rule in the Gulf is the result of more than a century of collusion between local elites and the west. If we are serious in our objections to the abuses found in Qatar, then we need to consider how Qatari authoritarianism sits within a much wider system of power, violence and exploitation.

 

A British creation

The processes of state formation that brought the modern Qatari state into being are inextricably bound up with histories of capitalism and western imperialism. It was British imperial power that first integrated the Gulf states of Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the UAE and Oman into the structures of the global economy with discoveries of vast oil and gas reserves sealing the region’s status as a major material and geostrategic prize.

To ensure British influence and privileged access to this prize, local monarchies such as the Al-Thani family in Qatar were built up and buttressed against external and internal challenges. Britain worked with these client elites to develop systems of internal repression designed to foreclose any possibility of nationalist forces overthrowing the monarchies and breaking ties with the west.

Colorful globe with a view of Africa.
The roots of Qatari repression extend well beyond Qatar, connecting the emirate to the supposedly liberal states of the west, photo: KLAU2018 via pixaby

Even after the Gulf states gained independence in the 1960s and 70s, scores of British civilians remained in their militaries and state bureaucracies, including in Qatar’s, to ensure the regimes’ survival and their correct geopolitical orientation.

In more recent years, Qatar has become one of the world’s leading arms importers, with the regime’s military muscle now provided by the United States, France and other western suppliers. These include the UK, whose contribution includes a fleet of Typhoon military jets. And with its al-Udeid airbase playing host to the forward headquarters of the US military’s Central Command, Qatar sits right at the heart of western power projection into the Gulf, as it has done for more than 100 years.

Even after the Gulf states gained independence in the 1960s and 70s, scores of British civilians remained in their militaries and state bureaucracies, including in Qatar’s, to ensure the regimes’ survival and their correct geopolitical orientation.

 

Desiring basic rights

The peoples of the Gulf are no more or less desiring of basic rights and autonomy than the rest of the human race. If repressive monarchy has not given way to democracies and republics in the Gulf as it has elsewhere in the world, this is at least partly owing to a sustained and intensive intervention from the western powers on the side of the local elites.

The false notion that authoritarianism in the Gulf is simply a reflection of regional “culture” has its roots in the Orientalist discourse of the colonial era. To this day, racist caricatures of an enlightened west encountering the backward despotisms of the Middle East obscures the relevant history and legitimises the west’s role in the region. This self-serving mythology externalises and circumscribes the blame for human rights abuses in states like Qatar, while preserving a narcissistic sense of western innocence.

The regimes themselves are happy to play along with these fictions, presenting themselves as visionary “reformers” of societies hidebound by “tradition” and asking the west for patience as they struggle valiantly against the backwardness of their own people.

The false notion that authoritarianism in the Gulf is simply a reflection of regional “culture” has its roots in the Orientalist discourse of the colonial era.

The Saudi crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, was widely hailed as a “reformer” until the bubble was burst by the murder of the dissident journalist Jamal Khashoggi among a wider, inescapable record of abuses. The Gulf regimes and their western allies have both told the reform story many times, but in truth the only reforms they are interested in are those that deflect political pressure and shore up the conservative regional order.

 

Potemkin village of 21st-century capitalism

A picture of German goal-keeper Manuel Neuer is seen on a building in Doha, Qatar. In front of it are flags of the World Cup participants.
As a Potemkin village of 21st-century capitalism, the 2022 World Cup is a representative example of the world that western power built, photo: Igor Kralj via picture alliance

As an act of “sportswashing”, this winter’s World Cup fits squarely into these narratives. Playing into Orientalist notions of “tradition” versus “modernisation”, the tournament is designed to showcase a Qatari regime heading in the right direction and deserving of the world’s embrace. This is aimed at something more specific than burnishing Qatar’s international public image per se.

The real goal is to provide Qatar’s western allies with an alibi for continuing the support that has been so crucial to the regime’s longevity. It is soft power as the currency that buys hard power, with the entire global football community recruited into the transaction.

As a Potemkin village of 21st-century capitalism, the 2022 World Cup is not a phenomenon separate from or alien to the west. It is a representative example of the world that western power built. The western brands sponsoring the tournament benefit just as the regime does from the continued exploitation of migrant labour that is making the tournament possible.

The real goal is to provide Qatar’s western allies with an alibi for continuing the support that has been so crucial to the regime’s longevity.

And to the extent that the tournament serves to sportswash authoritarianism, it will be sportswashing an authoritarianism that has long been a joint venture between the west and Qatar. Only when the spotlight shines on the role of our own governments will true accountability for all this be possible.

About the Author
David Wearing

David Wearing is a lecturer in international relations at the University of Sussex, United Kingdom. His broad research agenda concerns UK foreign relations in the Global South, exploring continuities from the colonial era to the present day. He is a specialist on UK foreign relations in the Middle East. His monograph "AngloArabia: Why Gulf Wealth Matters To Britain" (Polity Books) is the only book-length study of the modern political economy of Britain’s ties with the states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the UAE and Oman).

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