Europe's Middle East and Mediterranean policy is contradictory: values such as freedom and human rights clash with self-serving interests in trade, security and migration. How can Europe make better use of the new space for dialogue in the Arab world?
In the wake of the upheavals that have shaken the Middle East and North Africa since 2011 and rocked the societies of the Southern and Eastern Mediterranean, relations between Europe and the region are now undergoing a process of transformation and redefinition. The ties and relationships that bind these two extremely complex and culturally diverse regions with their very different institutions have always been politically difficult, burdened by their historical and cultural baggage and economic asymmetries.
The historic turning point of the Arab Spring – even if this is no longer a spring – may now be used as an incentive to turn the spotlight on these relations, bring them up to a new level and give them a new, constructive impetus.
Strengthening of civil society
These upheavals were largely a result of the intense dissatisfaction felt by civil societies with regard to their deficient political systems (lack of democracy and freedom, human rights abuses); socio-economic inequalities; unequal access to basic commodities such as accommodation and food; widespread corruption at all levels; and the effects of unbridled capitalism and the neo-liberal economic system on the national economies of the countries of North Africa and the Middle East.
The protest movements have also created a new relationship between people and politics. Until this point, civil societies had suffered what sometimes proved to be massive oppression at the hands of the region‘s authoritarian regimes. Now they have found their voice and are increasingly exerting their influence on political decision-making processes. After decades of repression and lack of political freedoms, the fall of the regimes suddenly revealed how political engagement on the part of individual citizens can bring about changes to the political system.
Certain civil society actors have opened up new spaces and instruments for political debate (such as in the new media and social networks). This particularly applies to the countries‘ elites, the urban population and the younger generation. However, in countries such as Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco, certain sections of the population continue to remain excluded from this debate, whether as a result of lack of education, material disadvantages or inequalities in regional development.
Along with this ‘awakening’ of civil society and new political actors, the geopolitical changes that have resulted from the Arab Spring and the constant shifts in political power have led to the emergence of new political cultures. In the current ‘post-revolutionary’ phase, these societies are now experiencing a different relationship with Europe.
The protest movements in many countries during the Arab Spring, such as this one in Tunisia in 2011, also led to civil societies making their voices heard after years of repression and gaining influence in political decision-making, photo: Christophe Ena via AP/picture alliance.
High levels of expectation, low levels of trust
These societies have very high expectations of Europe, but this is balanced out by their lack of trust as a result of past negative experiences. Above all, many of these societies are hoping Europe will start to view the region in a different light and not simply adopt a retrogressive donor mentality. The countries bordering the southern and eastern shores of the Mediterranean want to finally be treated as equals and full partners.
In the case of Tunisia, the people succeeded in overthrowing their dictator without outside help. Tunisia has little interest in a host of small, individual projects or in receiving the odd million in funding for individual programmes. Instead, it is hoping for more fundamental assistance in drawing up a lasting agenda of reforms for its economy, building up its industry for the future and increasing its competitiveness on the global market.
At the same time, many actors are also hoping for fairer trade relations and greater empathy and trust on the part of Europe towards its democratic processes of transformation, combined with concrete assistance in certain areas such as regional decentralisation and development, administrative reform and reforms to the media, the environmental sector, the police and security sector and the legal and education systems.
In the past, Europe has lost many friends because of its long-standing collaboration with authoritarian regimes such as those of Ben Ali, Mubarak and Gaddafi. It was often accused of having double standards because its official policies did little to support civil society actors who were striving to achieve greater freedoms and basic human rights. Now Europe finds itself in dialogue with (moderate) Islamic actors, as the latter are (as in Tunisia) or were (as in Egypt) involved in the new governments of these countries. Many other stakeholders with a more secular orientation find this difficult to understand, feeling that Europe has now betrayed them twice. Many people expect Europe to demonstrate greater understanding and acceptance, even if the results of the elections do not coincide with European ideas. They are hoping for recognition and solidarity combined with more flexible assistance that is not steeped in bureaucracy.
It is difficult to measure Europe‘s potential influence on the transition processes of its southern neighbours, but generally it is limited. Of course, the multitude of existing European civil society programmes and projects have indirectly played their part in paving the way for the recent upheavals. But it was the people of Tunisia and Egypt who succeeded in freeing themselves from their dictators without resorting to violence.
Now the international community needs to step up and accept its share of responsibility. It needs to constructively support the transition governments of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya in their difficult challenges and help them to establish new political systems. This means that the international community and Europe in particular should, where necessary, tackle the socio-economic difficulties.
Above all, many of these societies are hoping Europe will start to view the region in a different light and not simply adopt a retrogressive donor mentality.
Many people‘s lives have become worse rather than better since the revolutions. The unemployment rates in Tunisia and Egypt have risen, economic growth has fallen and the tourism sector that is so critical to the economies of both countries has collapsed. The high unemployment rate, particularly among young people (Tunisia‘s youth unemployment rate is around 40%) is pushing these societies towards breaking point. This is due to globalised markets, reduced foreign investment and, in some cases, poor education systems. To what extent can Europe help in overcoming this crisis?
Those people in the Tunisian interior who set the revolution in motion are particularly intent on improving their social conditions and job prospects, but they are also keen to see greater decentralisation and infrastructure improvements. However, many civil society actors and intellectuals who played a major role in the success of the revolution are hoping that Europe will help them to achieve their goals: freedom of opinion and the press, respect for human rights, social partnership and the separation of religion and state. In contrast, Islamic actors such as the Ennahda Party are hoping to gain political recognition and equal treatment, along with economic cooperation and transfers of methodology and technology.
Mobility and acceleration
Transnational cultural relations are affected by a range of dynamics and phenomena, including increased global mobility and an ever-faster pace of life. In this fast-changing transnational context, relations between Europe and the Maghreb/Mashriq (countries to the east of Egypt and the Levant) present an anomaly, and not just because of their historic constellations.
They are also unique in terms of their simultaneous sense of closeness and distance. While networking and interaction has increased in the cultural, personal and educational areas, European migration and security policy is still governed by a Fortress Europe attitude that lays down clear boundaries in the Mediterranean region.
This also reveals the contradictory nature of European external policy. On the one hand it flies the flag for the values and ideals of freedom, the rule of law, respect for human rights and solidarity. But then it goes on to pursue its own, largely economic, interests in terms of its policies on trade, security and immigration, thus simultaneously contradicting its own values. This contradiction also means that, in the eyes of its southern neighbours, the EU often lacks credibility as a global player. However, the EU is also becoming increasingly aware of the cultural dimension of its external policies as it continues its work on integration and institutionalisation.
This contradiction also means that, in the eyes of its southern neighbours, the EU often lacks credibility as a global player.
The cultural activities of EU Delegations in third countries (such as literature and film festivals, art and photography exhibitions) supplement the activities of the cultural institutes of the individual EU Member States. This inevitably results in duplication and overlap, but it also leads to greater cooperation between these cultural institutes and the EU Delegations.
In parallel with the Europeanisation of foreign cultural policy, the EU Member States have their own distinct approaches to foreign cultural policy. These have grown out of complex historical processes and led to minority bilateral relations.
With its cultural activities, the EU is pursuing a kind of post-sovereign politics lies somewhere between the global and the nation state. The idea of not simply acting as the mediator of a ‘cultural nation’ but in a broader sense acting as the mediator of a European culture (even if it is artificially constructed, or even “imagined” to quote US political scientist Benedict Anderson) is not only echoed by the EU‘s representation offices but also by the local cultural representatives of the individual EU Member State.
The EU‘s cultural activities bring a broader European dimension to the table and enrich transnational cultural relations. In this respect it is generally less about the export of European culture and values and more about strengthening and promoting local and regional cultural sectors and industries (for example, promoting the regional integration of the film industry or setting up a North African authors‘ network). It also revolves around bilateral and multilateral joint projects in the cultural and civil society sector.
These kinds of projects contribute to the deeper and more permanent integration of the Mediterranean region as a bridge between Europe, North Africa and the Middle East. In the near future there is no likelihood of the EU Delegations replacing national cultural institutes such as the Goethe Institut, Institut Francais, Instituto Cervantes and the British Council, but they will create an additional European context and framework that will allow the diverse cultural activities of other cultural operators to develop, compete and cooperate.
Transnational mobility affects the cultural sector, which of course requires individual freedom of movement for cultural operators within the Mediterranean region (on the South-North axis, and between the Maghreb and Mashriq countries), but it also has an impact on education systems. However, the transnationalisation of education systems does not necessarily mean homogenisation. Instead, it should provide greater transparency and flexibility between systems, to the benefit of all involved.
Europe‘s external cultural and educational policy cannot reform or finance the education systems of the MENA region (Middle East and North Africa). This is the task of the various national governments. But it can make a contribution to developing civil society, promoting its issues and to encouraging exchange and intercultural collaboration between the civil societies of Europe and the Southern Mediterranean.
Far from social realities
For years there have been warnings about the inadequate involvement of civil societies in multilateral intergovernmental cooperation at Euro-Mediterranean level – whether as part of the Barcelona Process established in 1995 or within the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) which replaced it in 2008. The fact that external cultural and educational work is an inherent part of building trust and partnership seems not to have permeated through to certain EU decision-makers. However, since the beginning of the Arab Spring, the significance of civil society and cultural cooperation in a Euro-Mediterranean context has certainly increased.
But the Arab Spring has also shown how institutional political cooperation is lagging far behind social realities. At the same time, many European intermediary organisations, foundations, cultural organisations, cultural institutes, networks and associations have for many years enjoyed close ties to the civil societies of the Southern Mediterranean. It should be the goal of European external policy to intensify, consolidate and enhance these cultural, academic and personal contacts.
Students protest during a visit by German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier (SPD) to El Manar University in Tunis in January 2015. They are demanding an improvement in the public school system, photo: Lukas Schulze via dpa/picture alliance.
When considering the deep-rooted causes of the high rates of unemployment among young people and academics in the Arab Spring countries, one of the main factors is inevitably their current education systems. There is no doubt that universities in North Africa are often outdated and hampered by rigid hierarchies, old-fashioned teaching methods and too little encouragement of innovation, originality, independence and critical thinking.
Research is also behind the times in certain fields. This is partly due to the difficulty of accessing international sources or because English language skills have not yet been adequately developed. This certainly applies to some – though not every – area. In some disciplines, subjects and institutes, students and teaching staff are as up to date with the latest research as many European universities.
But for the majority of students – often irrespective of the quality of their education – once they have qualified there are no or very few career prospects. A large proportion of study courses and vocational training is inadequately adapted to suit the needs and challenges of national and international labour markets.
Sustainable transformation
If changes in the education sector are to have a lasting impact, they must be backed up by long-term support. It is essential to invest in long-term programmes rather than in initiatives that only last one or two years. Increased funding is essential, either as part of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) or within bilateral funding programmes run by EU Member States.
A more balanced distribution of funds between European and North African actors, institutions and organisations could contribute to more permanent change. Europe could help civil society organisations and associations to organise themselves, share methodology and contribute to promoting regional development and decentralisation.
Existing education and exchange programmes are important and should be intensified and expanded. The slogan of the German Academic Exchange Service, ‘Change through Exchange’, is still very relevant. At the same time, many young academics are not necessarily particularly keen on moving to Europe or elsewhere in the world. Instead, they dream of getting a suitable, decently paid job with prospects that allows them to start a family or live independently on their own terms. European educational policy can help to align all forms of professional training and integration more closely with the needs of businesses and the labour markets of the future
It is essential to invest in long-term programmes rather than in initiatives that only last one or two years. Increased funding is essential.
One thing is clear: the structural asymmetry of relations between Europe and the Southern and Eastern Mediterranean is also reflected in their cultural relations. In order to achieve the overriding aim of Euro-Mediterranean cooperation on cultural and educational policy, it is necessary to encourage cultural rapprochement, free circulation and the mobility of ideas, values, cultural operators/individuals and products in the Mediterranean region.
But there are a great many obstacles to be overcome. National and independent cultural operators from Southern and Eastern Mediterranean countries have a comparatively low presence and levels of engagement in Euro-Mediterranean joint structures and programmes. In addition, many independent cultural operators tend to be Euro-sceptics and often reject the idea of an official common European cultural policy.
Along with this, there is a lack of political will on the part of EU Member States to transfer their cultural responsibilities to the EU. However, some of the EU Member States still make use of the EU system by appropriating EU funding and structures in order to pursue their national foreign cultural policies. But if the EU is increasingly to become a global player and have greater foreign policy powers, then it needs to pay more attention to the cultural dimension of its foreign policy decisions and actions around the world. Cultural and educational programmes can increasingly be considered as instruments of development and conflict prevention.
It has been difficult to measure the results of previous European external cultural and educational policies, but over recent years – and particularly as a result of the Arab Spring – formal and informal transnational networks have sprung up around the Mediterranean in the areas of culture and education, while existing networks have been strengthened or expanded. Cultural operators and academics have appropriated the existing cooperation frameworks, and the Mediterranean has developed its own particular dynamic as a cultural reference point or bridge.
These actors define common interests, such as maintaining the material and immaterial cultural heritage, protecting diverse film cultures, promoting academic independence, permanent education opportunities and improved working conditions and mobility for cultural workers and academics in the Mediterranean region. It is vital to maintain, encourage and develop this trend.
About the Author
Isabel Schäfer
Political scientist, specialist author, consultant and lecturer
Isabel Schäfer is a political scientist, specialist author, consultant and lecturer. Her research focuses on European Mediterranean and Middle East policy, Euro-Mediterranean partnership and the cultural dimension of international relations, especially the relations between Europe and the Arab world.
Books:
Political Revolt and Youth Unemployment in Tunisia. Exploring the Education-Employment Mismatch. Palgrave Macmillan, London 2018
Culture Report Progress Europe
Culture has a strategic role to play in the process of European unification. What about cultural relations within Europe? How can cultural policy contribute to a European identity? In the Culture Report Progress Europe, international authors seek answers to these questions. Since 2021, the Culture Report is published exclusively online.
