Arrival in Europe

The concepts of integration in Europe differ greatly. Which ones have stood the test of time? How can Europe resolve the contradiction between a repressive refugee policy and a sensible migration policy?

Before we look at the current migration crisis in Europe , we need to remember how people have been driven from their homes in the past. Why was the population of Strasbourg forcibly evacuated before the start of the war in 1939? Because they got in the way of the Maginot Line, which was to defend France from invaders from the East? Perhaps because the people of Alsace would be happy to welcome the advancing German armies? With very little luggage, they were transported in horse-drawn wagons to central France, where their welcome was not always warm. Some people viewed them as compatriots, others as strangers. Ever since 1947, Palestine and Israel have been arguing about whether Palestinians fled or were driven from their villages.

By 1945, millions of Germans had fled or been forced from their homes as a result of the advancing Red Army or expulsions from Silesia, the Sudetenland and Hungary. Erika Steinbach may not always say laudable things, but the basic principle behind her Centre Against Expulsions was a justifiable one. The exact content of the Beneš decrees continues to be disputed, but there is no disputing the violence and murder that accompanied the expulsions.

With very little luggage, they were transported in horse-drawn wagons to central France, where their welcome was not always warm.

And today, when most of the victims of Islamic violence are Muslims, it may be concealed that IS is committing genocide against Christians in the territories that it holds. In 2015 there were 60 million refugees or displaced persons in the world. Some of them tried to come to Europe, and some arrived in Germany. It may be useful to make a few preliminary remarks before we get to the German problem.

A Landtag President With Turkish Roots

The Turks who live in Germany have not been displaced, nor are they refugees. West Germany and Turkey signed an agreement on 30 October 1961 that led to 900,000 Turkish guest workers coming to Germany to be housed in uncomfortable, temporary accommodation. Most of them were male, but around one-fifth of the intake were female. The agreement came to an end with the 1973 oil crisis, and suddenly the Turks were immigrants. Today, 2.9 million people with Turkish roots live in Germany, including 1.5 million who are Turkish citizens.

The fact that nationality is significant was aggressively called into question by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in a speech in Cologne on 10 February 2008. For him, all Turks are Turks, even if they take German citizenship: ‘I understand that you are sensitive about the issue of assimilation. No one can expect you to assimilate. Assimilation is a crime against humanity. You should be aware of that.’

Children who encounter the German language for the first time when they start school should master the language in order to advance in their careers. But they will still be Turkish. A survey conducted in July 2016 produced the following surprising responses: ‘Do you feel close/very close ties to Turkey?’ Yes: 85 percent ‘Do you feel close/very close ties to Germany?’ Yes: 87 percent. This is not a split identity.

The same comparison could be carried out with Jews in Germany and Israel. It’s just that a theoretically unsurprising result is treated as surprising in Germany. Muhterem Aras is ‘the first Landtag president with Turkish roots’. At the opening of the BadenWürttemberg Parliament in May 2016, she said: ‘A woman with a migrant background as the representative of this House. With this, you have sent out a clear signal. A signal of cosmopolitanism, tolerance and the success of integration.’

She could have added that she was the first Muslim woman to hold such an office. And the fact that she arrived in Stuttgart with her parents in 1978 at the age of twelve, not speaking a word of German, is more in the French style! Unfortunately, Erdoğan created a new identity issue in 2016. A section of Germany’s Turkish population – supporters of Erdoğan – should regard themselves as enemies of other Turks, especially the Kurds, who the Turkish leader branded as the enemy. His statement could be interpreted as a call to violence.

Xenophobia is associated with other, even more base feelings than nationalism. In Hungary, the public were incited to reject the arrival of refugees via a referendum, all shrouded in the terrible media campaign of lies spread by the Fidesz Party. Despite the fact that the referendum result was constitutionally invalid due to a voter turnout of less than 50%, Viktor Orbán announced that he would enact a law to enforce the xenophobic message of the referendum.

Worse still, the education minister awarded a national Order of Merit to a journalist who wants to see the eradication of the ‘Romani’ (Sinti and Roma) complains that ‘Jews are allowed to blow their dirty noses into our Hungarian swimming pools’.

A section of Germany’s Turkish population – supporters of Erdoğan – should regard themselves as enemies of other Turks, especially the Kurds, who the Turkish leader branded as the enemy. His statement could be interpreted as a call to violence.

It is not only new arrivals who suffer discrimination. African Americans are regularly killed by the police in the US. Before the election, African American author Valerie Wilson Wesley described Trump’s language as violent and hate filled. She said that different people live in the USA, but when people no longer respect different identities, all that’s left is Trump. But, more hopefully, she noted that anyone who can survive slavery and the police will survive Trump!

Between Admiration and Anger

Moving on to Angela Merkel, why should we begin with her and Germany when broaching the refugee question in Europe? First, because some 890,000 refugees arrived in Germany in 2015, with another 210,000 following in the first nine months of 2016. In other countries, this aroused feelings of admiration, envy and, above all, anger. This was because the refugee numbers were a result of the decision taken by the Chancellor on 4-5 September 2015.

There are many theories about the reasons behind her decision, with the cynics never wanting to believe it was morally justified. But doesn’t the statement that she made at the Bundestag on 24 September 2016 remain of fundamental importance, including with regard to the refugee issue? ‘The European Union is a community of values and as such a community of law and responsibility.’ It is true that she spoke of ‘temporary border controls’, of ‘significantly faster asylum procedures’, and of ‘the repatriation of those who have no prospects of staying’ (there were 21,000 deportations in 2015). But this does not mean she is contradicting herself. She also thanked everyone who has helped and is still helping in this crisis, from volunteers to civil servants.

German citizens were not unanimous in welcoming the refugees. Right-wing extremists and racists are increasingly turning to violence. From January to mid-September 2016, the police recorded 507 cases of xenophobic violence, twice as many as in the previous year. There were 78 cases of arson and seven people were killed. Germans are becoming increasingly fearful and hostile to refugees. They are afraid that terrorists are among the asylum seekers. They are afraid of being overrun by foreigners. They are afraid of ‘Islamisation’.

Violent disputes between Sunnis and Shiites have left Christian asylum seekers feeling uneasy. The positives and negatives should not be allowed to overshadow the fundamental questions. Who are the refugees? Fleeing Syria and Afghanistan means escaping death. The children who are drowning off the coasts of Greece and Italy have a right to be taken in by Europe.

But now a ‘wave’ of ‘economic migrants’ is coming to Europe from North and sub-Saharan Africa, and most of them want to go to Germany. What should be done? What can be done? Many of those who arrive find themselves at odds with refugees from other countries, even in refugee centres, where women can often be assaulted by men. A person’s identity is not solely that of asylum seeker. What else are they seeking?

In Hungary, the public were incited to reject the arrival of refugees via a referendum, all shrouded in the terrible media campaign of lies spread by the Fidesz Party.

A new home, in the sense of the Latin phrase ubi bene, ibi patria (My homeland is where life is good)? Without any kind of ‘Germanisation’? What is the meaning of the Chancellor’s formula ‘Germany is still Germany’? The new arrival is required to respect the fundamental rights and obligations of the Federal Republic of Germany. How many born-and-bred Germans do this impeccably? They are supposed to support the German culture of remembrance, so the burden of the Auschwitz legacy. It is no small thing to demand such a degree of assimilation. The newcomers are also expected to participate in Germany’s Leitkultur. We will come back to what this is or should be a little later.

Fighting for Humanity

Let’s move on to France. Why? It is certainly not a good example of how to welcome refugees. That’s shown by the figures. Perhaps it’s because the two biggest parties, Marine Le Pen’s Front National and Les Républicains, previously headed up by Nicolas Sarkozy, were particularly harsh in their rejection of refugees? Or because I’m French and have stumbled upon my own identity – and have a guilty conscience.

As best I can, I fight for greater humanity in my writings and words. But we haven’t taken a refugee into our home. I admire the people and associations who have done it but haven’t bothered to do it myself. We just give money to help the helpers. France mainly takes in refugees from Syria, Afghanistan and Sudan. Those who are granted refugee status (statut de réfugié) sign a contrat d'accueil et d’ intégration (immigration and integration contract) which guarantees them at least 120 hours of French lessons, vocational training, free medical care, family allowance and housing assistance.

It is the issue of regroupement familial – family reunification – that provokes some of the most aggressive arguments against accepting refugees. The false figures that are circulating on this subject also include the women and children of French people who lived abroad, returned to France and want to bring their families back with them. Only 6% of these cases actually relate to refugees. There are growing claims that the nation is threatened by refugees.

New Citizens as Ministers

The only difference is that the newcomers, such as the former Prime Minister, the Ministers of Education and Labour, and the Mayor of Paris, are totally normal members of the nation. The latter, Anne Hidalgo, faced strident protests about her plan to build reception facilities for refugees. The wealthy districts of Paris and its surroundings refuse to accept even a few refugees.

The danger of letting terrorists into the country is undeniable, but the threat of an attack is not only from the outside. Two French girls aged between 15 and 20 were discovered preparing to carry out attacks, controlled remotely by IS. For many of France’s communes, the slogan is ‘Not here’.

Who is actually on the bottom rung of society? In Spain, it was the chambermaids, who went on strike because they felt more and more exploited. All the benefits they had acquired were simply taken away because hotels decided to stop treating them as employees but as independent contractors – external service providers.

Large numbers of unaccompanied minors arrive in Marseille every week. All the city’s reception facilities are overflowing, and orders from the authorities to organise their reception lead to nothing. In times of high unemployment, do refugees take the jobs of French people? Very few of them actually get a work permit. Like in Germany, most of them work illegally. The jobs that are open to them are usually the jobs that local people don’t want to do. But, like in Germany, there is a constant need to prove that helping refugees is not done at the expense of the indigenous poor.

Key Issue for Europe

So what is the key issue for the European Union? ‘When is the boat full?’ The Visegrád countries (Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia) have already responded: Our boat is already full, right from the start, and the European Commission has no right whatsoever to set admission quotas, no matter how small. The others should continue to work on Frontex, the European Agency for the Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders of the Member States of the European Union. Established in 2004, it is headquartered in Warsaw and headed up by a Frenchman, Fabrice Leggeri. In its own words, ‘Frontex helps EU countries and Schengen associated countries manage their external borders.

In December 2015, the Commission transformed Frontex into the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, with more responsibilities and greater resources. This was supported by the Council and Parliament. Frontex has often been accused of violating human rights as defined in the EU’s legal texts.

One thing we know for sure is that it is about sealing off the EU and the Schengen zone from people whose main identity is that of migrant. This is how to protect an averagely wealthy territory. But for how long? Will it be possible to permanently fend off every fresh refugee crisis? Every EU institution should be discussing the foreseeable future, because it is precisely this future that is likely to shake the identity of the European Union.

Source: Alfred Grosser (2017): Le Mensch. Die Ethik der Identitäten. Bonn: Dietz. Published with the kind permission of Dietz publishing house in Bonn.

About the Author
Portrait of Alfred Grosser
Alfred Grosser
Journalist and Political Scientist

Alfred Grosser was a French journalist and political scientist of German descent. He has been awarded the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade, Germany’s Grand Cross of the National Order of Merit, and the Wilhelm Leuschner Medal (2004) among many other honours. He is the author of numerous publications and acts as a ‘mediator between France and Germany, believers and non-believers, Europeans and people of other nations’.

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