The Antithesis of Hitler’s Europe

There is no doubt that Europe's identity would be different if it had not been for Jean Monnet. Alfred Grosser on the beginnings of the EU, why Brussels today often has negative connotations and yet the national governments have the real say.

There’s no doubt that Europe’s identity would have been very different had it not been for Jean Monnet – with three more men before him, three men beside him, a historical fact and a human influence. The Union of European Federalists was founded in 1947. Its three co-founders had all fought against Hitler and Mussolini, and two had been severely punished for it. The Frenchman Henri Frenay, born in 1905, had headed up a major resistance movement called Combat. The Italian Altero Spinelli, born in 1907, was sentenced to twelve years in prison in 1927. Until his death in 1986, he played a leading role in Europe, particularly in the European Parliament in Strasbourg. German-born Eugen Kogon, born in 1903, was held prisoner in the Buchenwald concentration camp from September 1939 until it was liberated in 1945.

These three men were living proof that post-war Europe would be the antithesis of Hitler’s Europe and have a radically different identity. Three older men from the same countries aided and abetted Monnet. It is still said that they are united by their Catholic identity. But that was less important than their identity of being born on a border, which is why they were determined to overcome borders.

A German, an Italian, a Frenchman

Born in Cologne in 1876, Konrad Adenauer experienced and survived many things without ever leaving the Rhineland. The Italian Altiero de Gasperi was born in 1881 in Pieve Tesino, then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and now in the autonomous province of Bolzano des Alto Adige in South Tyrol.

Frenchman Robert Schuman was born in Luxembourg in 1886 to a father who had become German by annexation. His studies led him to Bonn, Berlin, Munich and Strasbourg, and he became a French citizen in 1919. He had already played a political role at the Catholic Day in Metz in 1913 and acted as spokesman for the Francophone participants. It is hardly surprising that these three became the first statesmen to promote a transnational Europe.

More than any other, Jean Monnet felt his calling was to work to achieve transnationalism. During the First World War and after working with the British on equipment issues, he became coordinator of the allied economic cooperation in 1916. From 1920 to 1923 he was Deputy Secretary General of the League of Nations.

In June 1940 he wrote the text of a proposal that was then brought to London by Brigadier General Charles de Gaulle. A Franco-British nation was to be created, with a common parliament and joint army. De Gaulle made little mention of this proposal in later years. In 1955, Jean Monnet stepped down as president of the High Authority of the European Coal and Steel Community in order to take an unusual step towards moving Europe forward as a community.

Not a Statute-Based Organisation

The Action Committee for the United States of Europe was not a statute-based organisation. Jean Monnet brought together political parties and trade unions from the six founding countries until, in 1968, the three main British parties with George Brown, Denis Healey, Roy Jenkins and Edward Heath, accepted the committee’s invitation to join.

Jean Monnet’s main success in terms of influence was converting the SPD to Adenauer’s European policy. The DGB (German Trade Union Confederation) no longer needed to be converted. Walter Freitag, Hans Oskar Vetter and Otto Brenner were on the committee, which also included Erich Ollenhauer, Willy Brandt and Herbert Wehner, together with Kurt-Georg Kiesinger, Helmut Kohl, Franz Josef Strauss and Walter Scheel.

Jean Monnet’s main success in terms of influence was converting the SPD to Adenauer’s European policy.

This unofficial body discussed and drew up the 1957 Treaty of Rome. Jean Monnet’s Europe has never been fully realised, but his influence has shaped Europe’s new, more limited identity.

How many Europeans know that they are citizens of the Union? It is stated in the treaties: ‘Citizenship of the Union is hereby established. Every person holding the nationality of a Member State shall be a citizen of the Union.’ At the request of France, the following was added: ‘Citizenship of the Union shall be additional to national citizenship and shall not replace it.’ Who has ever felt or described themselves as a citizen of Europe?

Brussels and Hamburg

Part of the growing Euroscepticism is based on people’s ignorance about European institutions. The word Brussels has a negative connotation: it’s the home of ignorant, harmful officials. In fact, there are 33,000, of whom 22,000 work in Brussels. Let’s dare to compare this with the city of Hamburg, which pays salaries to 70,000 people. What are the powers of the Council, the Commission, Parliament and the Court of Justice? How do they exert them?

The word Brussels has a negative connotation: it’s the home of ignorant, harmful officials. In fact, there are 33,000, of whom 22,000 work in Brussels. Let’s dare to compare this with the city of Hamburg, which pays salaries to 70,000 people.

But apparently ‘Brussels’ isn’t always a bad word. It’s good if it abolishes the regulations on milk production. But if that doesn’t work, Brussels is only good if it reintroduces the regulations! Of course, the average person can’t be expected to read and digest all 358 articles of the Lisbon Treaty, but they should be able to understand a simplified version, particularly if – laudably – they vote in the European Parliament elections.

Thick Treaty

But would that be enough to give the European Union a clear identity – if only in the eyes of voters? They certainly see it as a whole to which Germany is not affiliated, but by which it is enclosed. That’s why school textbooks should contain Article 10 of the thick German Reunification Treaty, with its two fundamental observations:

  1. All European law applies to the enlarged Germany.
  2. Legislative acts of the European Communities whose implementation or execution comes under the responsibility of the Länder shall be implemented or executed by the latter through provisions under Land law.

The European Union is made up of institutions, but which of them provide it with an identity? Certainly not the hard-to understand difference between the European Council and the Council! The former ‘shall not exercise legislative functions’, while the latter ‘shall, jointly with the European Parliament, exercise legislative and budgetary functions.’ The European Council shall ‘provide the Union with the necessary impetus for its development and shall define the general political directions and priorities thereof.’

One of the Council's tasks, on the other hand, is ‘to carry out policy-making’. The European Council comprises the heads of state or government of the Member States and takes its decisions ‘by consensus’. Its president has no vote, is elected for two-and-a-half years and may be re-elected once. The post was taken up by Herman Van Rompuy, the Belgian Prime Minister, in 2010, and he was succeeded by Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk in 2015.

The powerful president of the Council is faceless because the presidency is held for a sixmonth term in turn by each Member State. Germany will take its turn again in the second half of 2020. The Union’s real power lies with the Council in the various formations of the Committee of Ministers. Decisions are taken by qualified majority, which means at least 55% of the members of the Council, comprising at least 15 Member States if they represent 65% of the population of the Union. In reality, the Council takes decisions on the basis of proposals from what is perhaps the most important body in the Union, COREPER (the Committee of Permanent Representatives of the Member States).

Governments Have the Main Say

The fact that governments have the main say in the EU will be explained later. This may look strange in important areas and actually weakens the common identity. This applies in particular to the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). However, little progress has been made on security.

The preamble to the Lisbon Treaty states: It is resolved ‘to implement a common foreign and security policy including the progressive framing of a common defence policy, which might lead to a common defence...’

So the treaty decides nothing in this area and points to a dual future! Foreign policy is different, but not much better. Of course, the Office of the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy was created, with a seat as Vice-President of the Commission and a large administrative apparatus. From 2009 to 2014, the post was held by Lady Catherine Ashton, an Englishwoman with no sense of transnationality, no prior international experience and no language skills.

On 30 August 2014, the Council appointed the Italian Federica Mogherini to a five-year term. She had been Foreign Minister in the Matteo Renzi government since February of that year. She settled into the job more quickly and was more ‘visible’ than her predecessor, but anyone who believes Berlin, Paris or even Rome would allow her to dictate their national foreign policy – such as relations with Russia or the US – had another think coming.

Anyone who believes Berlin, Paris or even Rome would allow her to dictate their national foreign policy – such as relations with Russia or the US – had another think coming.

The EU institution with the greatest potential to create identity should actually be the Parliament. It is the only parliament in the world that can truly be called transnational. The deputies are elected in the different Member States, but they work in crossnational political groups rather than in national factions.

The fact that social democratic and centre-right parliamentary groups make up 55% of the 751 MEPs, with 191 and 221 seats respectively, has an impact on every aspect of the Parliament’s work. The number of MEPs from each country is largely determined by population, so Germany has 96, France 74, Italy and the UK 70, Spain 54, Poland 51 and up to 6 each for Estonia, Cyprus, Luxembourg and Malta. Each treaty has progressively expanded the powers of the European Parliament. By its eighth parliamentary term (2014–2019) it had become one of the cornerstones of the ‘institutional triangle’ that shapes the EU’s legislation.

The EU institution with the greatest potential to create identity should actually be the Parliament. It is the only parliament in the world that can truly be called transnational.

It also conducts hearings of Commissioners-designate for the Commission in Brussels and can bring down the whole Commission by vetoing just one of them. Parliament also elects the President of the Commission. The German Social Democrat politician Martin Schulz became President of the European Parliament in January 2012 and did a great deal to raise awareness of Parliament and its powers, and to enforce them. The Parliament is in a worse position now that Schulz has returned to German politics.

After some undignified backroom dealings, his successor was decided upon in such a way that the new President lacked prestige and no longer exercised any power. It was the Italian Antonio Tajani, who co-founded the not exactly moderate Forza Italia party with Silvio Berlusconi. He acted as Berlusconi’s spokesman before becoming an EU Commissioner and later Vice-President of the Parliament. The Commission now plays a stronger role, because it alone has the power to propose new regulations. It is these regulations that – even though they have to be approved by the Council and Parliament – govern many aspects of the daily lives of citizens, organisations and Member States.

Undignified Backroom Dealings

After Jean Monnet, the second ‘father of Europe’ was Jacques Delors. He achieved great things in Brussels between 1985 and 1995, including the Charter of Social Rights, the Single European Act, and the report that paved the way for the Maastricht Treaty and the single currency. Delors was able to act because he had the consistent backing of Mitterrand and Kohl. From Brussels, he also did his utmost to bring about German reunification. That’s why he was the only foreigner to sit among the German politicians in the Reichstag building for the unification ceremonies and to be formally thanked by German President Richard von Weizsäcker.

The Commission is visible, while the European Court of Justice is less so, although few other European institutions have done more for unification – at times by exceeding its powers. This greater unity in the field of law has caused many questions to be raised to Germany’s Constitutional Court, particulary relating to the supremacy of Luxembourg over Karlsruhe – just as the German Central Bank is subordinate to the European Central Bank. In any event, the ECJ has generally managed to establish Europe’s legal identity.

There should still be talk of economic identity. Mario Draghi, whether admired or opposed, can be seen as a kind of embodiment of economic Europe, based on the euro. For many decades, Wolfgang Schäuble has argued in favour of the creation of a multi-speed Europe. Those who are keen to move forward should be free take the initiative, provided that the institutions established in this way are open to all other Member States. Today, 19 of the 28 Member States have the euro as their currency. Malta (2008), Slovakia (2009), Estonia (2011) and Latvia (2014) are the most recent countries to adopt it. No country that adopted the euro has ever reverted to its national currency. So the attractiveness of an EU that is in a state of becoming is stronger than generally realised.

No country that adopted the euro has ever reverted to its national currency. So the attractiveness of an EU that is in a state of becoming is stronger than generally realised.

The UK has never ‘sacrificed’ the pound to the euro. But the Brexit referendum of 23 June 2016 highlights how the number of EU members has steadily increased, while the UK’s withdrawal is the first of its kind. When the remaining 27 met for an ‘informal meeting’ in Bratislava on 16 September 2016, they realised that, despite their differences, they formed a single European entity.

The word ‘euro’ is on everyone's lips, and ‘Schengen’ even more so. Why? Because the question of greater internal unification for Europe has, as a result of the refugee issue, increasingly given way to concerns about protecting its borders. As with the euro, the number of members of the Schengen Area has grown steadily. In 1995, there were seven. It is named Schengen after the town where the Agreement was signed, in the Germany/France/Benelux triangle.

The Amsterdam and Lisbon Treaties have changed the content (obligations and rights) of the Schengen Agreement. Along with most EU Member States, Switzerland, Norway and Iceland are also part of the Schengen Area. 54.6% of the Swiss population voted to join the Area in 2004, but the UK and Ireland have never joined. Its borders include domestic airports, and cooperation between members encompasses the police authorities. One of the articles in the Agreement that is gradually becoming more important allows members to carry out ‘temporary’ border checks. Schengen should be the embodiment of Europe’s harmonious unification, but instead the word has become part of the vocabulary used against an overly lax Europe that despises nation states.

Source: Alfred Grosser (2017): Le Mensch. Die Ethik der Identitäten. Bonn: Dietz. Published with the kind permission of Dietz publishing house in Bonn.

About the Author
Portrait of Alfred Grosser
Alfred Grosser
Journalist and Political Scientist

Alfred Grosser was a French journalist and political scientist of German descent. He has been awarded the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade, Germany’s Grand Cross of the National Order of Merit, and the Wilhelm Leuschner Medal (2004) among many other honours. He is the author of numerous publications and acts as a ‘mediator between France and Germany, believers and non-believers, Europeans and people of other nations’.

Culture Report Progress Europe

Culture has a strategic role to play in the process of European unification. What about cultural relations within Europe? How can cultural policy contribute to a European identity? In the Culture Report Progress Europe, international authors seek answers to these questions. Since 2021, the Culture Report is published exclusively online.