A blurred photograph of a person with silhloulette in different layers on top of each other.

Layered European Identity

Can European civic identity exist? Over the last 60 years, European integration has steadily progressed, but without people identifying with the EU. And the EU is far from realising the potential of cultural diplomacy.

Across Europe, political actors are weaponizing identity by stoking prejudice against foreigners. A Europe where people are told to fear non-Europeans is a Europe that cannot be a constructive and effective force in the world. A Europe where people are told to fear their fellow Europeans – as competitors for housing, schools, jobs, and benefits – is a Europe that cannot hold together. The European Union is the world’s only successful attempt to solve national differences peacefully through law and common institutions.

The secret of the EU’s success is the willingness to strike a balance between unity and diversity. To live together, Europeans have found they must be willing to take each other’s interests and views into account and abide by the common rules that allow them to do so. Over decades, the EU has built an unprecedented but fragile sense of trust among Europeans. The politics of division are designed to destroy this trust. Populists aim at the heart of the European dream.

Trust is easy to diminish but difficult to build. Counterstrategies to strengthen social cohesion and a sense of common endeavour will have to be developed and maintained over time. This is not work at which political institutions excel; civil society organisations and other citizens’ initiatives tend to be more successful.

Countering Populism

Some cultural institutes, such as the British Council and the Goethe-Institut, have gained extensive experience with projects to support civil society and freedom of speech in challenging environments, and in some countries (such as Turkey) they work well together to promote these causes. However, such cooperation is not yet standard practice, and there remains considerable scope for joint or coordinated projects to support civil society in countries such as Hungary and Romania.

There is much the EU could do to support such initiatives, notably by strengthening its policies and budgets for citizenship, education, and culture. These include wellknown programmes such as Erasmus, but also lesser known but important programmes such as Europe for Citizens. In addition, EU missions in third countries do not always work well with the national cultural institutes. Some missions take a passive approach, arguing that culture is not a priority.

Counterstrategies to strengthen social cohesion and a sense of common endeavour will have to be developed and maintained over time.

Can European civic identity exist? Should it exist? And will it counter populism? In the past 60 years European integration has steadily progressed, but people’s identification with the EU as citizens has not kept pace. 

Just as France or Germany managed to mould different regional identities into a strong sense of national identity, perhaps it is time for the EU to shape its various national identities into an overarching sense of European identity. But the analogy with national identity should not be pushed too far: European identity is not the same as national identity written large. Whereas national identities, as a rule, are seen as mutually exclusive (I am French, therefore I am not German), European identity is inclusive, to a degree (I am French; I am also a European).

Layered European Identity

This sense of layered European identity has, in fact, been growing. Asked (in 2015) whether they see themselves as national citizens only, as national and European, as European and national, or as European citizens only, 39 percent said they saw themselves as national citizens only, but 51 percent said they identified as national and European citizens. A further 6 percent said European and national, and 2 percent said European only. Statistics published in 2018 show that in each EU Member State, more than half of respondents feel that they are citizens of the EU. Across the EU as a whole, 71 percent feel this way and, at a national level, proportions range from 89 percent in Luxembourg to 51 percent in Bulgaria.

Whereas national identities, as a rule, are seen as mutually exclusive (I am French, therefore I am not German), European identity is inclusive, to a degree (I am French; I am also a European).

Europeans say that culture is the factor that does most to create a feeling of community among them as EU citizens. Eight in ten (80 percent) think cultural heritage is important for the European Union. A large majority of respondents (88 percent) agree Europe's cultural heritage should be taught in schools, as it tells us about our history and culture.

More than three quarters in each EU Member State agree. Cultural heritage could be one of the building blocks of policies to strengthen the saliency of European citizenship. Education, and particularly citizenship education, could be another such building block. Education helps to develop the skills, attitudes and values people need to live as citizens in a democracy.

In December 2017 the European Council declared that education and culture are key to building to inclusive and cohesive societies, and to sustaining European competitiveness. They also expressed a willingness ‘to do more in these areas, in which the EU plays an important supplementing and supporting role.’

The EU-Star Erasmus

Mural of a drawing by Erasmus of Rotterdam.
Democracy ultimately depends on popular support, which rests on a sense of shared identity and common responsibility, photo: Desire Kranenburg via unsplash

Erasmus is seen by citizens as one of the three most positive results of European integration. Erasmus builds experience, broadens horizons, and boosts employability. Eastern European students benefit particularly, with their long-term unemployment being reduced by 83 percent when compared to their non-mobile peers.

It is also notable that more Erasmus-alumni hold management positions five to ten years after graduation than do their non-mobile peers. Erasmus contributes to a more cohesive Union: it fosters positive social/civil behaviour and a sense of feeling ‘European’ (+19 percent compared to non-participants). The programme literally brings young people together, including in delightfully serendipitous ways.

In fact, it could be argued that the entire policy area of education and culture is due for a re-appraisal. At a time when presumed national identities are increasingly being touted – in EU Member States as well as in the world at large – it is time for the EU to sharpen its profile as a force for individual liberty and social tolerance.

The European Union is not only about diversity; it is about unity in diversity. Left unattended, or addressed through appeasement, centrifugal forces will tear societies apart as they have done on so many occasions up to this very day. If European history has any principal lesson to teach, it is that by accommodating the erosion of fundamental liberties we condone their demise.

Democracy ultimately depends on popular support, which rests on a sense of shared identity and common responsibility. Democracy needs people who are willing to think, speak, and act as democrats – cives, or citizens – of their political community. In Europe today many people are disenchanted with politics, and growing numbers of young people do not take part in elections. This is a worrisome trend. Disagreement and disaffection are integral to political life, and most people will act as spectators or bystanders at least some of the time, but there is a degree of disengagement beyond which democracy withers away and dies. Democracy needs citizens.

The European Union is not only about diversity; it is about unity in diversity.

Nobody is born a citizen, except in the narrow, legal sense. Citizenship is a skill acquired through socialisation, education, and practice. Education, in particular, is essential to arm students with the habits they need to live as citizens in democracies. These habits, as Sarah Stitzlein notes, include collaboration, compromise, deliberation, critique, dissent, hope, and living citizenship as shared fate. The rising tide of intolerance across Europe is testimony that citizenship has been neglected as a priority in education.

Europeans also know little about the European Union, as opinion surveys have shown for many years. Recent Eurobarometer polls shows that 89 percent of young Europeans want governments to strengthen school education about their rights and responsibilities as citizens of the Union.

About the Author
Gijs de Vries
Politician

Gijs de Vries is a senior visiting fellow at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). He is a former member of the Dutch government and of the European Parliament. He has served as a board member of the European Cultural Foundation and was a founding member of the European Council on Foreign Relations as well as the Transatlantic Policy Network.